A negative alternation: Negation head movement allomorphy in Igala

In Igala (Volta–Niger), pre-verbal negation changes forms depending on the
syntactic environment. I argue that these distinct exponents occupy different syntactic
positions, as in other Niger-Congo languages [e.g., Kirundi (Bantu JD.62;
Ndayiragije 1999) and Igbo (Volta–Niger; Amaechi 2019)], and propose that this is the result
of Neg-to-C movement being blocked in certain syntactic environments. I show
that this explains the distribution of negation in different constructions in Igala as
well as embedded clauses in Kirundi (Great Lakes Bantu).