Absence of Relative Clause Islands in Adara

I argue that definite relative clauses, despite their stable strong island status cross-linguistically, lack island status in Adara. The structure is neither selective nor weak, but rather completely permeable, allowing the free extraction of both arguments and adjuncts. In support of the claim that A-bar movement may escape relative clause domains in Adara, I adduce evidence from crossover effects, reconstruction effects, and quantifier float. In addition, I show that relative clause-internal material may probe upwards and outwards, triggering long-distance agreement of relativized verbs with clause-external subjects in a way that is not possible with true island structures in the language.