On the systematic nature of Dinka noun number morphology

Abstract We present an analysis of noun number marking in Dinka, based on Andersen’s system of vowel grades and a new system of tone classes. Assuming that the ‘unmarked’ grade 1 form can be either singular or plural, we show that the morphology is more systematic than has been previously suggested. Roughly half of our dataset can be treated as synchronically regular, and in more than half the remainder the only exceptional features are simple alternations of lexical quantity or voice quality. Less than a quarter exhibit more unpredictable irregularities. With regard to tone, we posit nine classes that describe the patterns of tonal alternation between the grade 1 form and the more marked form of the noun; 60% of our dataset fall into just three of these classes. The tone classes show considerable cross-dialect validity even between a four-tone dialect (Luanyjang, Rek cluster) and a three-tone dialect (Agar).