RELATIVE CLAUSE CONSTRUCTIONS IN Ọ̀HỌ̀RÍ YORÙBÁ

Abstract Ever since Bamgbose (1986) and Awobuluyi (1992, 1998) called for scholarly research attention on the study of Yorùbá dialects to increase the body of knowledge and understanding of the workings of the internal structures of Yorùbá language grammar, especially the standard form which has mounting unresolved issues, no serious work has been carried out on Ọ̀họ̀rí grammar, most especially on its relative clause constructions. The paper employed relevant data samples elicited from 12 adult native speakers of Ọ̀họ̀rí in Kétu, Ègùwá and Asá communities in Yewa North, Ogun State. It relies on Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1993, 1995, 1998, 2002) and Split-CP hypothisis (Rizzi 1997, 2003) as theoretical guides to analyse the data. The study discusses the structural derivations of relative clause constructions and shows that the four typology of relative clause constructions of Mark (2002) and Lehmann (1984) are employed in Ọ̀họ̀rí. It also demonstrates that a number of lexical items such as N, V, adverbs, etc. can be relativized in Ọ̀họ̀rí. Also, in contrast to what obtains in Standard Yorùbá where the relative clause introducer tí is optionally dropped in rare expressions (Awobuluyi,1978:36), the introducer ìyé is overtly obligatory in Ọ̀họ̀rí relative clauses. The study, therefore, proposes that the relative clause introducer ìyé is the functional head that projects relative clause constructions in Ọ̀họ̀rí. Keywords: Relativization, Relative clause, Typology, Ọ̀họ̀rí, Yoruba