Subject Positions, Subject Extraction, EPP, and the Subject Criterion

Abstract The idea that the EPP reduces to the criterial freezing of the clausal subject is shown to have empirical consequences beyond those discussed in Rizzi & Shlonsky (2006, 2007). In particular, it bears upon the Highest Subject Restriction on resumptive pronouns in Hebrew relative clauses, the Anti-Agreement Effect in Berber and on the conditions for Quantifier Raising and Lowering. The status of the clausal subject as an “aboutness” topic is also examined in the context of a discussion of a particular brand of negative sentences in Hebrew. It is further argued that the relevant probing feature on the Subj head is [person] and that this leads to an implementation of the idea that [person] and [number] are not only distinct features but also distinct probes, associated with different heads: [Number] is a feature of T and [person] a feature of SUBJ.