This dissertation investigates the syntax of clausal prefixes in Tigrinya, an Ethio-Semitic language which, despite its head-finality, exhibits clause-initial complementizers that attach as prefixes to embedded verbs (clausal prefixes). It challenges the view that prefixes in head-final languages have an intrinsic morphological property, proposing instead that their surface position results from specific syntactic constraints. Four main clausal prefixes are analyzed. Z(ɨ)-, found in relative clauses, noun clausal complements, and comparative clauses, is argued to be a reflex of successive-cyclic A'-movement triggered by Spec-Head agreement in a phasal aspectual projection. Kɛmz(ɨ)-, a bimorphemic element consisting of a preposition plus z(ɨ)-, introduces complement clauses that are argued to be underlying relative clauses involving the A'-movement of a null nominal. K(ɨ)-, a subjunctive marker, is claimed to occur in reduced clauses whose temporal interpretation depends on the matrix clause and to appear either as a low MoodP head or as a reflex of temporal operator movement. ʔaj-...-(ɨ)n, the circumfix used to mark sentential negation, reflects split negation, with the prefix merged in low NegP and the suffix in high PolP. These findings support a more local view of A'-movement than standard phase theory and point to a refined notion of cyclicity, offering a novel perspective on the syntax of prefixes in head-final languages.